Mr. King to Mr. Seward.
Sir: The great events which have followed each other with such startling rapidity during the course of the present month have filled Home with various and exciting rumors. The signal victory of the Prussians at Koniggratz, or Sadowa; the cession of Venetia to France and its acceptance by the Emperor; the unopposed advance of the Italian army into what had, apparently, thus become French territory; the steady progress of the Prussian arms in all directions; the seeming helplessness of Austria; the absolute non-intervention of the other European powers; and, finally, the signing of the preliminaries of peace, all within the brief space of three weeks, make up a chapter in the world’s history of unsurpassed interest. The sympathies of the Papal court and of the clerical party were very openly and strongly with Austria, and deep and general was the regret at the news of her fearful overthrow. On the other hand, a very large proportion of the Roman people hailed with intense delight every triumph of the Italian arms, and are eagerly looking forward to the hour when the national flag shall replace the French tri-color on the castle of St. Angelo.
What is to be the status of Rome in the contemplated rearrangement of the map of Europe forms, just now, the general topic of conversation here, and gives rise to all sorts of rumors and conjectures. On Saturday last I was informed by a dignitary of the church, usually very well informed in all political matters, that the Emperor of the French, in reply to a question from the Papal Nuncio at Paris, had said that it would not be in his power to interfere for the protection of the Pope; that he could not control the march of the revolution. On the same day, Marchese Bargagli, the representative here of the ex-Grand Duke of Tuscany, applied to Mr. J. C. Hooker, (of the banking house of Maguay, Pakenham & Hooker, and acting secretary of legation,) to know if he could take charge of his plate and valuables in the event of his being obliged suddenly to leave Rome. The marchese, in explanation, said that the events of the war, so disastrous to Austria, threatened the overthrow of the Papal authority; that France, the only power which could interfere with effect in the Pope’s behalf, was unwilling to do so; that Louis Napoleon had declared his inability to control the march of the revolution, and had notified the Papal Nuncio that his Holiness must make terms for himself; and that, in all probability, his Holiness would be driven to the alternative of abandoning Rome and retiring to Malta, which had again been placed at his disposal by [Page 138] the British government. Anxious to learn what foundation existed for these reports, I called the next day upon the ambassadors of France and Austria. The former was at Alvano, but the latter I found at home, and enjoyed with him a long and interesting conversation. I was very much struck with the extreme depression under which Baron Hubner seemed to be laboring. The expression of his face, the tones of his voice, the language and sentiments which he uttered, were alike sad, desponding,) almost hopeless. He had had no intelligence, he said, from Vienna for several days, the telegraphic communication being interrupted, and that by mail difficult and irregular. He did not know, therefore, what to anticipate as likely to flow from the proposed conference, or what were the precise terms of the preliminaries of peace. Nor could he, in the absence of such information, form any satisfactory opinion as to the probable effect of the pending negotiations upon the fortunes of the Holy See. I gathered, however, as much, perhaps, from the manner as the matter of the baron’s remarks, that he puts but little trust in Louis Napoleon; that he thinks Prussia and Italy will settle matters pretty much as they please; that Austria must, perforce, acquiesce; and that the prospect for the maintenance of the Pope’s temporal power is, at best, a very doubtful one.
In the hope of learning something more definite on this interesting topic, I called yesterday upon the cardinal secretary of state, and was glad to find a very marked improvement in his health since my last interview. His Eminence, in reply to my questions, spoke of the future as shrouded in clouds and darkness. His private advices from Vienna, he said, described the condition of things there as terrible. Discouragement, despair, a panic, in fact, prevailed on all hands. Great numbers of families were leaving the city, carrying with them their valuables, &c. The jewels, treasure, and archives of the government had been sent off to Comorn, and if the war continued, Vienna must fall. The preliminaries of peace, however, had been signed, and though the conditions were not yet known, he anticipated that a European congress would be held for their discussion and settlement, in which event the Roman question would come up with the rest. His Eminence spoke, in strong terms, of the aggressive conduct of Prussia, and did not conceal his opinion that Austria was in the right, and had behaved with great moderation and dignity. He commented significantly upon the course pursued by the Emperor of the French, and especially upon the fact that, after the cession of Venetia to Louis Napoleon and its acceptance by him had been officially announced in the Moniteur, the Italian army had crossed the Po and invaded this French territory, without a single French soldier being despatched to its defence. It was impossible, the cardinal said, that Cialdini could have ventured upon so bold and decisive a step without a previous secret understanding between Louis Napoleon and Victor Emanuel. What the nature and extent of this understanding might be was not known, and hence the difficulty of conjecturing what part the Emperor of the French would play in the approaching conference. Apparently he was master of the situation, unless, indeed, the revolution proved stronger than he was, or that this alleged power of the revolution was made to serve as an excuse for carrying out a preconceived purpose. At present, his Eminence in conclusion said, all was quiet in Rome; but its future was involved in doubt. As for the Holy Father, he could only patiently and trustfully abide the event, leaving the issue in the hands of the Great Ruler of the universe.
I have thus given the substance of the cardinal’s remarks, which left on my mind the impression that his Eminence himself, for the present, at least, was unprepared what to expect as the result of the approaching conference, and unable, therefore, to say what probability exists that Rome, as well as Venice, is about to be absorbed by the newly-formed kingdom of Victor Emanuel. But it cannot be doubted that such is the prevalent opinion, if not hope, in Rome itself; and that, without any change in their faith or diminution in their sentiments [Page 139] of regard and veneration for the Holy Father, the great body of the Roman people ardently desire to see the ancient mistress of the world become the capital of free, united, and independent Italy.
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I have the honor to be, with great respect, your obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.