Mr. Perry to Mr. Seward.
Sir: I had a long conversation with Señor Llorente on Thursday, which I endeavored to make as informal as possible, relating to the difficulties between Spain and Peru.
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Meantime I am informed that Admiral Pinzon is removed from his command, to take effect as soon as his successor can arrive out. Admiral Pareja, late minister of the navy, is designated to replace him; but I am told he has himself made some objection on account of his connexion with the last cabinet in power when the news of Admiral Pinzon’s exploit reached Spain.
Mr. Llorente told me that he had information the Peruvian government was endeavoring to purchase ships-of-war in the United States to be used against Spain, and asked me whether that would be permitted? I said that I was ignorant of the circumstances of the case he referred to, but I had no difficulty in stating that, in case of war between the two nations, much as we should regret that termination to the present dispute, he might rely upon it that our neutrality would be impartially enforced. I said, also, that we did not understand neutrality as it had lately been practiced by England towards the United States; that we were complaining now of the facilities afforded to our own insurgents for the purchase of war ships in England to be used against ourselves, and that we certainly would not permit a similar abuse by either belligerent within our own jurisdiction. Mr. Llorente said he was satisfied with that reply.
Seeing the turn this business is now taking, I thought proper to show to Mr. Llorente your despatches, Nos. 114 and 115, addressed to Mr. Koerner, and [Page 102] also a letter which Mr. Barreda addressed to me on the 19th ultimo, from Paris, in which he says that the new cabinet at Lima is composed of men distinguished for their ability and the moderation of their views. After he had read your instructions, seeming to be favorably impressed with their tenor, I took occasion to again call to mind, in a wholly informal and unofficial way, the willingness of the government of the United States to act as might seem most favorable to the preservation of peace, in order to procure the settlement of any preliminary question which might impede Spain and Peru from coming together on the equal footing of ordinary diplomatic intercourse for the negotiation of the affairs they may have to treat together. I stated that I had no instructions to offer the mediation of the United States, but I was aware that such mediation had heretofore been sought by Peru, and I supposed it would still be accepted by that power. I had no doubt that whatsoever the President of the United States might say would be considered as of great weight by the government of Peru, and would be sure to command its serious attention. Mr. Llorente had now seen the contents of two confidential despatches from you, never intended to be read to him, and which I had taken the responsibility of exhibiting informally, perhaps, against your judgment, and certainly without your authority. The opinion of the government of the United States upon the present state of the Peruvian question, as it was left by the circular of Mr. Pacheco, was thus known to him beyond a doubt. I begged him, therefore, to consider whether this difference, reduced in fact to one of mere form or ceremony, might not well be submitted for its solution to the decision of a third party, equally free from all suspicion of bias on either side. Spain really disapproved the ill-advised action of her agents—had no wish nor interest to maintain an armament in the Pacific ocean, and hesitated only upon the question of how to withdraw her flag with honor. Peru, on her side, was really not averse to entertaining diplomatic intercourse with Spain on the footing of perfect equality between the two nations, and to negotiating in good faith upon all the questions pending between the two governments prior to the arrival of Señor Salazar at Lima, but she hesitated upon the question how consistently with honor to bring things back to this point after what had occurred at Lima and in the Chincha islands.
The whole difference was reduced to this: The exigencies of Spanish honor seemed exaggerated to Peru, and those of Peruvian honor seemed unreasonable to Spain. The proposition to yield anything directly in such a question suggested, it seemed, the idea of humiliation.
Was not this precisely the moment when the unbiased judgment of a mutual friend ought to step in to settle the point? There could be nothing humiliating in accepting the decision of a third party in such a case. Spain or Peru might either of them yield a point to the dispassionate judgment of the United States, which they would not have yielded the one to the other. The world would certainly understand, even in the extreme case, that some concession should be unduly made, (which, however, could not be supposed,) that the responsibility of such error would no longer touch the honor of either of the principal parties, but it would fall upon the mediator himself.
I repeated I was not authorized to offer the mediation of the United States, and what I was saying must be considered as entirely extra official, and not as coming from my government. The government of the United States had no interest at all to press this or the other view upon the attention of Spain, but if the reasonableness of what I said should strike Señor Llorente, apart from all consideration of its source, he was already aware that Peru had solicited our mediation, and if Spain desired it, I would not hesitate to transmit that wish to Mr. Seward.
Even without a formal mediation I should be glad to be personally useful in any way which might conduce to peace and a good understanding between the agents of the disputing powers.
[Page 103]Mr. Llorente listened to these remarks with great attention, and thanked me warmly for the offers with which I concluded, saying that he would weigh what I had said, and consult with his colleagues about it.
With sentiments of the highest respect, sir, your obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, &c., &c., &c.