Papers Relating to Foreign Affairs, Accompanying the Annual Message of the President to the Second Session Thirty-eighth Congress, Part I

Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.

No. 602.]

Legation of the United States, London, February 19, 1864.

Sir: I have the honor to transmit a copy of my note to Lord Russell of the 12th instant, in reply to his of the 8th, heretofore sent forward with my despatch No. 596. I also append a copy of his note of acknowledgment of the 13th.

The movements of the rebel agents continue quite actively. The steamer with a mysterious destination is still here. You doubtless continue to receive full reports concerning her. The efforts to sustain confidence in the ability to resist are very strong. The Richmond correspondent of the London Times, a person by the name of Lawley, arrived here in the Scotia, and is laboring to the best of his ability to sustain the hopes of their ultimate success. I have reason to believe that he has had interviews with Lord Palmerston on the one side, and with leading friends of the United States on the other, in which he professes to communicate the results of his observation. Without knowing the object which the rebels have in view in using this man, I am inclined to infer it must be some ultimate project of an offer of mediation. There is no reason for supposing that any such notion will be favorably received by the present government.

The rumors of changes in the military commands again produce unfavorable impressions of the management of the war. Among other things which I hear reported by Mr. Lawley is the hope of the rebel commander that General Meade may be superseded.

I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,

CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS.

Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, &c., &c., &c.

Mr. Adams to Earl Russell.

Legation of the United States, London, February 12, 1864.

My Lord: I have the honor to acknowledge the reception of your note of the 8th instant, in reply to mine of the 19th of last month, in relation to the abuses made of the neutrality of her Majesty’s territories by the insurgents of the United States. I have transmitted a copy of the same for the consideration of my government.

It gives me great satisfaction to learn that her Majesty’s government have taken steps to prevent the violation of the neutrality of her territories. Such acts, initiated from the frontiers of her possessions in Canada, are peculiarly dangerous, by reason of the treaty obligations of the two countries to abstain from armaments on the waters that separate them in America. It gives me great regret to be compelled to believe that the projects of carrying on hostile operations from one or more points along those lines have not yet been abandoned, and that considerable numbers of men are actually concentrating in Canada with a view to make an attack on some unprotected spot. Considering the danger of the complications to which even a casual and temporary success might lead, I trust I may be pardoned for recurring once more to the subject. I have never admitted the idea for a moment that, in acknowledging the belligerent character of the insurgents, it was the intention of her Majesty’s government to yield to them extraordinary facilities for the abuse of the neutrality adopted by Great Britain. But it is impossible, in the face of the facts, to deny that such has been and is the case. The very position of a belligerent implies responsibility for its action. Yet it is quite apparent that thus far no means have been arrived at by which effectively to impose any restraint upon its most lawless proceedings. In selecting the northern borders of the United States these people well understand the object they have in view, which is not so much to annoy or harass the population living there as to create a state of excitement, which might, in its consequences, involve a misunderstanding between the two nations. Even with the utmost vigilance of the authorities on both sides, it is scarcely to be hoped that every attempt of the kind, if often renewed, could be prevented. It is for this reason that I beg your lordship’s pardon if I renew my urgency for the adoption of some measures which may more effectually remove this danger at its very source.

I pray your lordship to accept the assurances of the highest consideration with which I have the honor to be, my lord, your most obedient servant,

CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS.

Right Hon. Earl Russell, &c., &c., &c.

Earl Russell to Mr. Adams.

Foreign Office, February 13, 1864.

Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your note of yesterday’s date respecting certain alleged abuses of neutrality committed within her Majesty’s North American possessions; and I have the honor to inform you that I have transmitted a copy of the same to the secretary of state for the colonial department.

I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration, sir, your most obedient, humble servant,

RUSSELL.

Charles Francis Adams, Esq., &c., &c., &c.

Mr. Moran to Mr. Seward.

Legation of the United States, London, February 20, 1864.

Sir: By direction of Mr. Adams, I have the honor to forward herewith, out of the regular course, a copy of The Index, of the 18th instant, a paper in the interest of the rebels, published in London. At page 107 will be found a narrative of the recent attempt on the part of a number of the insurgents to invade the United States from Canada. To this Mr. Adams requests me to call your special attention.

I have the honor to be, sir, with great respect, your obedient servant,

BENJ. MORAN, Assistant Secretary of Legation.

Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.

[From The (London) Index, of February 18, 1864.]

[Untitled]

The Canadian Expedition.—A gentleman who was engaged in the frustrated attempt to rescue the confederate prisoners confined on Johnson’s island, near the Canadian frontier, writes to us to correct some misstatements which have obtained currency through the federal press. He says: “You are aware of the leading facts of this affair, and know that our object was defeated by the authorities of the province. Perhaps you have already learned the secrets of the plan, but if you have not, a few words might be of service. The prisoners who had been released from Johnson’s island, the federal prison in Lake Erie, conceived a plan to capture the island and release the large number of officers confined there. The assent of the confederate government was asked, but long refused, from a doubt whether it could be effected without violating the neutrality of British territory. This objection was at last so far overcome that a certain number of officers received leave to attempt the hazardous experiment, but under strict orders to do or permit no act directly or indirectly liable to be construed into such violation, to buy no materials of war and enlist no assistance on British soil, but only to exercise the right of passage as individuals. Accordingly, upon arriving in Canada, arms and cannon were purchased in New York, and were sent by parties there up to the lake, where we could get them. Not an article was obtained in Canada. Even medicines and surgical instruments were furnished from New York, and all correspondence with the prisoners was carried on through the personal column of the New York Herald. Several British officers wished to join, but they, as also the assistance of many Canadian gentlemen, were refused. The basis of our operations was to be on. Yankee territory, the means for carrying out our object, viz: to release the prisoners, were to be obtained there alone. This principle was adhered to in perfect good faith, in spirit as well as in letter, though not without some difficulty. Success would have been certain, had not an unexpected obstacle caused delay. The Michigan, a federal gunboat, had anchored off the island, and it then became necessary to capture her before releasing the prisoners. To do this, more men were necessary, and some confederates, who had recently escaped from camps Chase and Douglas, were taken as volunteers. There was no one of the party owing allegiance to Great Britain, or who had ‘found an asylum on her soil,’ as the papers had it. But when we had completed our preparations, with the and of friends in the federal States, the very day before it was to have been executed it reached the ears of the governor general, and the Yankees, being immediately warned by him, it became impossible.

“Such is the whole affair in a nutshell. You will see that all we asked of the Canadian authorities was the right of passage to Yankeedom, individually and unarmed, we having neither the means nor the intention to commit a belligerent act before reaching Yankee jurisdiction. You can draw your own inference from the facts. Some of the Canadian and even some of the English papers, I am told, have taken a different, and, as it appears to me, a wholly erroneous view of the matter.”