Mr. Dayton to Mr. Seward
Sir: I have communicated to Mr. Drouyn de l’Huys to-day the substance of your despatch No. 357; in reference to Mexico, and the refusal of Mr. Corwin to take charge of the business of the French legation. He did not seem to consider the reasons assigned by Mr. Corwin to be very good ones.
I then called his attention to the statements of Mr. Roebuck, in the British Parliament, made yesterday, as to the views and wishes of the Emperor in reference to the recognition of the south. He expressed much regret that Mr. Roebuck should have made statements of what must have been at best an unofficial and private conversation; and, as to those parts of the statement in which he says the Emperor authorized him to communicate his views on this subject to the House of Commons, he said it could not be so; such a [Page 750] proceeding would have been so irregular that it was not possible for him to suppose that the statement of Mr. Roebuck could have originated otherwise than in a misunderstanding or mistake; that, in point of fact, no official communication of any hind has recently passed, on this subject, between France and England. He said that it was not improbable that the Emperor had stated, in the course of conversation, that his views on the subjects remained unchanged, and that he wished to act in concert with England in reference to American affairs; but he was satisfied that he had suggested nothing and proposed nothing to be communicated to the British government. I told Mr. Drouyn de l’Huys that I assumed no right to inquire as to the private conversations of the Emperor, but here was a case in which it was said the Emperor had authorized two members of the British Parliament to make statements in that chamber for the purpose of influencing its policy against the United States; that under such circumstances (if true) the communication on the part of the Emperor assumed a quasi official character, and it was, therefore, the fair subject of inquiry and explanation. To this he assented, and said it was not possible for him to speak of the exact words of a conversation at which he was not himself present, but he was satisfied it could not have been as represented. He said, further, that the statement of Mr. Roebuck seemed to him contradictory in itself, and we know that part of it in which the Emperor is made to complain of ill treatment at the hands of Earl Russell, in exposing his despatch of last year to you, must in some way be untrue or absurd. The contents of that despatch, you will recollect, were communicated to me by the French government, and by me to you before it was in any way made public, and the despatch itself was immediately afterwards printed in the Moniteur. It is preposterous to suppose that his Majesty could have complained that the British government had committed a breach of confidence in communicating to you what it had already formally communicated to me. It may not be amiss that I should state that the Emperor himself, since the visit of Messrs. Lindsay and Roebuck, has said explicitly that he had given no authority to those gentlemen to propose anything, or in any way to represent his views to the British government. It is difficult to understand how these discrepancies can be accounted for.
Mr. Drouyn de l’Huys, before closing the conversation, repeated his often-expressed wish for the termination of our war, and said he would be glad if England could suggest some mode by which it might be brought about; but for himself he could see nothing which would be available for that purpose. I took occasion again to assure him that it certainly would not be brought to a close by a recognition of the south; that such an act might extend and enlarge the war by drawing, other nations into it, but it would have no effect on the United States except to exasperate the north and excite it to increased exertions. To this he made no reply.
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, &c.
N. B.—Enclosed is the extract from Mr. Roebuck’s speech.
“I am now going to make a statement which the under secretary for foreign affairs may think somewhat surprising, but it is true for all that. The Emperor of the French said, and he gave me authority to repeat it here, ‘As soon as I learnt that that rumor was circulated in England, I gave instructions to my ambassador to deny the truth of it. Nay, more, I instructed him to say that my feeling was not, indeed, exactly the same as it was, because it was stronger than ever in favor of recognizing the south. I told [Page 751] him also to lay before the British government my understanding and my wishes on this question, and to ask them still again whether they would be willing to join me in that recognition.’ (Hear, hear.) Now, sir, there is no mistake about this matter. I pledge my veracity that the Emperor told me that. (Hear, hear.) He told me that the thing had been sent to Baron Gros. (Hear, hear.) And to tell me that the British government does not know that that has occurred must mean some evasion—some diplomatic evasion. It can’t be the truth. (Hear, hear.) And if there be contradiction, as the judges say, between the witnesses, I pledge my veracity for what I state. I don’t believe the world will doubt my word, (cheers,) and I pledge my word that is the truth as far as I am concerned. And, what is more, I laid before his Majesty two courses of conduct. I said: ‘Your Majesty may make a formal application to England.’ He stopped me, and said: ‘No; I can’t do that, and I will tell you why. Some months ago I did make a formal application to England. England sent my despatch to America. (Hear, hear.) That despatch, getting into Mr. Seward’s hands, was shown to my ambassador at Washington. It came back to me. And I feel that I was ill treated by such conduct. (Loud cheers from the opposition.) I won’t, (he added,) I can’t, subject myself again to the danger of similar treatment. (Hear, hear.) But I will do everything short of it. I give you full liberty to state to the English House of Commons this my wish, and to say to them that I have determined in all things’—and I will quote his words: ‘I have determined in all things to act with England; and more than all things, I have determined to act with her as regards America.’ (Hear, hear.) Well, sir, with this before us, can the government be ignorant of this fact? I do not believe it With this before them, are they not prepared to act in concert with France? Are they afraid of war? War with whom? With the northern States of America? Why, in ten days, sir, we should sweep from the sea every ship. (Oh!) Yes, there are people so imbued with northern feeling as to be indignant at that assertion. (Hear, hear.) But the truth is known. Why, the Warrior would destroy their whole fleet. (Hear, and a laugh.) Their armies are melting away; their invasion is rolled back; Washington is in danger; and the only fear which we ought to have is lest the independence of the south should be established without us.” (Hear, hear.)